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【逆權運動】黃之鋒斥港邁向一國一制:200萬人上街表不滿 政府充耳不聞(附發言全文)

蘋果日報 2019/09/17 23:03

黃之鋒何韻詩國會基本法香港人權及民主法案逃犯條例反送中逆權運動

美國國會即將審議《香港人權及民主法案》,國會及行政當局中國委員會(CECC)香港時間周二晚上10時就香港問題舉行聽證會,出席聽證會的黃之鋒發言之初先指出,若有留意香港近月發生的事,不會否認香港正在邁向一國一制:「現時的情況反映北京完全是不明白這個自由城市,更不用說管治。」
他指香港在6月16日有200萬人上街反《逃犯條例》修訂,人數佔香港整體人口約四分之一,市民對政府如此不滿的水平,在當代歷史難以找到,而隨後香港每個星期均有大批市民上街,每日續有大小抗議活動,政府卻充耳不聞,拒絕化解政治危機。他提到7.21的元朗站白衣人無差別毆打平民,警方接報後卻沒有出現,事件將香港推向無政府和暴民狀態;而在8月5日全港三罷,警方更發射800枚催淚彈驅散羣眾,相比起2014年雨傘運動時使用87枚催淚彈,「今日警方濫暴是顯而易見。警方不斷使用胡椒噴霧、胡椒球、橡膠子彈、海綿彈、布袋彈和水炮車,它們也是從西方民主社會入口的。」
黃之鋒感謝美國國會議員動議《保護香港法案(Protect Hong Kong Act)》,要求立法禁止美國向香港警方出售人羣管制及防暴設備,又認為北京不可以只獲取香港因為在國際社會上的經濟利益,同時又要消滅香港的社會政治身份:「這是《香港人權及民主法案》在香港公民社會取得廣泛支持的重要原因。」
黃強調,反送中運動已經超越針對一條法例、或一位人士:「第五項訴求,也是最重要的訴求,是讓香港有結構上的真正改變。我們的政府缺乏代表性,是問題的核心﹙Our fifth and most important demand is genuine structural change in Hong Kong.Our government's lack of representation lies at the heart of the matter﹚。」他強調港人爭取的是「自由選舉(Free Election)」。
他形容香港正處於重要關口,政府拒絕向遊行集會發出不反對通知書,令示威變成非法集會,同時香港人又面對深圳的軍事演練,內地派坦克來港並非不可能:「習主席是不可能在70周年國慶前採取大膽的行動,但沒有人保證之後會如何。」
黃之鋒認為,《基本法》列明的香港「50年不變」承諾即將過期,死線越來越近,強調「我們沒有退路(there's no return for us)」,相信2019年就是香港的分水嶺,希望美國國會能站在香港人、站在人權和民主的一方。
發言全文
Good morning Chairman McGovern, Co-Chairman Rubio, and members of this Commission:
It’s an honor to be invited back to Capitol Hill to speak about developments in Hong Kong. You may recall that I last traveled to Washington more than two years ago and testified before this commission, in this same building, on May 3, 2017.
At the time, I warned about the probable disqualification of my friend Nathan Law, who had been Asia’s youngest democratically-elected legislator and who is in the audience this morning. I also warned about massive political prosecution. Unfortunately, both materialized: Nathan lost his seat that July, and we were both imprisoned in August for our roles in the Umbrella Movement. Further legal troublers in relation to the 2014 protests prevented me from traveling
abroad.
While I said then that Hong Kong’s “One Country, Two Systems” was becoming “One Country, One-and-a-Half Systems,” I don’t think there is any doubt among observers who have followed recent events that, today, we are approaching dangerously close to “One Country, One System.” The present state of affairs reveals Beijing’s utter inability to understand, let alone govern, a free society.
The ongoing demonstrations began on June 9 when one million Hong Kongers took to the streets in protest of proposed legislation that would’ve allowed criminal suspects to be extradited from Hong Kong to China, where there are no guarantees of the rule of law. Still, before the night had even ended, Chief Executive Carrie Lam announced the bill’s reading would resume in three days. Hong Kongers were bracing for their last fight on June 12.
And then the unthinkable happened: Knowing that Beijing controlled enough votes in the Legislative Council, protesters surrounded the complex early in the morning, successfully preventing lawmakers from convening. I was then serving my third jail sentence. For a moment, I wondered why the news channel was replaying footage of the Umbrella Movement, though it was not long before I realized Hong Kongers were back. Lam suspended the bill on June 15, but fell short of fully withdrawing it. A historic two million people demonstrated the following day, equivalent to one in four out of our entire population. I’m not aware of anything comparable to this level of discontent against a government in modern history.
I was released exactly three months ago, on June 17, and have since joined fellow Hong Kongers to protest in the most creative ways possible. In addition to the bill’s withdrawal, we demanded Lam to retract the characterization of us as “rioters,” drop all political charges, and establish an independent investigation into police brutality. Some of us crowdfunded for newspaper advertisements ahead of the G-20 summit in late June calling for the world not to neglect Hong
Kong. Others broke into and occupied the Legislative Council complex on July 1, the same day another 550,000 Hong Kongers protested peacefully.
Crowds continued to show up in large numbers every weekend, with smaller rallies taking place almost daily across the territory. But the government would not listen; instead of defusing the political crisis, it dramatically empowered the police. The movement reached a turning point on July 21. That night, thugs with suspected ties to organized crime gathered in the Yuen Long train station and indiscriminately attacked not just protesters returning home, reporters on the scene,
but even passersby. The police refused to show up despite repeated emergency calls, plunging Hong Kong into a state of anarchy and mob violence.
On August 5 alone, the day Hong Kongers participated in a general strike, the police shot 800 canisters of tear gas to disperse the masses. Compare that to only 87 fired in the entire Umbrella Movement five years ago, and the police’s excessive force today is clear. Their increasingly liberal use of pepper spray, pepper balls, rubber bullets, sponge bullets, bean bag rounds, and water cannons — almost all of which are imported from Western democracies — are no less
troubling. In light of this, I applaud Chairman McGovern for introducing the PROTECT Hong Kong Act last week in the House of Representatives. American companies mustn’t profit from the violent crackdown of freedom-loving Hong Kongers.
Co-Chairman Rubio is also right for recently writing that “Hong Kong’s special status,” under American law, “depends on the city being treated as a separate customs area, on open international financial connections, and on the Hong Kong dollar’s peg to the U.S. dollar.” Beijing shouldn’t have it both ways, reaping all the economic benefits of Hong Kong’s standing in the world while eradicating our sociopolitical identity. This is the most important reason why the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act enjoys the broad support of Hong Kong’s civil society, a point which I want every member of Congress to take note.
Lam finally withdrew the bill earlier this month, but just as protesters have long stopped calling for her resignation, this decision was almost meaningless by now. The movement is far from over, because it has long moved beyond one bill or one person. Our fifth and most important demand is genuine structural change in Hong Kong. Our government’s lack of representation lies at the heart of the matter.
As I speak, Hong Kong is standing at a critical juncture. The stakes have never been higher. Authorities have all but stopped issuing permits known as “letters of no objection,” so virtually every demonstration is an “illegal assembly.” Moreover, we are confronted by the huge Chinese military buildup just across the border in Shenzhen. President Xi Jinping is unlikely to take bold action before the upcoming 70th National Day in October, but no one can be sure what’s next. Sending in the tanks remains irrational, though not impossible. Chinese interference in Macau, Taiwan, Tibet, and especially Xinjiang, serves as a reminder that Beijing is prepared to go far in pursuit of its grand imperial project.
I was once the face of Hong Kong’s youth activism. In the present leaderless movement, however, my sacrifices are minimal, compared to those among us who have been laid off for protesting, who have been injured but too afraid of even going to a hospital, or who have been forced to take their own lives. Two have each lost an eye. The youngest of the 1,400 arrested so far is only 12-year-old schoolboy. I don’t know them, yet their pain is my pain. We belong to the same imagined community, struggling for our right of self-determination so we can build one brighter, common future.
A baby born today will not even have celebrated his 28th birthday by July 1, 2047, when Hong Kong’s policy of “50-year no change” is set to expire. That deadline is closer to us than it appears; there’s no return. Decades from now, when historians look back, I’m sure that 2019, much more so than 2014, will turn out to have been a watershed. I hope, too, that historians will celebrate the United States Congress for having stood on the side of Hong Kongers, the side of human rights and democracy.
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