On November 11, the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress (NPCSC) established a framework for disqualifying members of the Legislative Council (LegCo), effectively announcing the death of “one country, two systems” arrangement. Many pro-democracy friends feel despondent because of the NPCSC’s decision. But then the fight for democracy in Hong Kong has never been easy. Over the past few decades, we have failed many times but we have been sticking to our guns, waiting for the dawn to come.

When Beijing released a white paper on the “one country, two systems” principle in 2014, many people in Hong Kong believed that marked the demise of the principle. It was then the first time Beijing put forward the idea of exercising “overall jurisdiction” over Hong Kong, but still it put on the mask of “one country, two systems” to hide its shame. Even when Beijing interpreted the Basic Law in 2016 in its bid to disqualify a couple of LegCo members, the SAR government needed to seek court approval, and the disqualified lawmakers were able to appeal.

But the NPCSC’s latest decision against LegCo members has fundamentally changed the system of separation of powers in Hong Kong. Under the new framework for interpreting the Basic Law, the disqualification of LegCo members does not involve going through the legal procedure at a court. A decision can be made as long as the Hong Kong chief executive recognizes it “according to law”. Such an arrangement, according to the constitution, places the chief executive above the executive, legislative and judicial branches, thus putting into practice Beijing’s narrative about giving the chief executive a position of authority over the three branches. With the Basic Law interpreted, the notion of separation of powers in Hong Kong has become a thing of the past.

With the NPCSC establishing the super status of the chief executive, and with the National Security Law giving sweeping powers to the SAR government, the Committee for Safeguarding National Security and the Office for Safeguarding National Security, Beijing’s overall jurisdiction over Hong Kong is everywhere to be seen. Beijing has plans to implement overall jurisdiction over everything from the fight against the pandemic to different sectors in Hong Kong to the city’s judicial system. “One country, two systems” has officially come to an end.

Hong Kong politics has always been inseparable from mainland China. After coming to power in 2012, Xi Jinping replaced the notion of “concealing one’s strengths and biding time” with “the confidence of a great power”, thus causing tension between China and the West. Xi also emphasized China’s “system confidence”, boosted his authority, exerted greater ideological control over people and tightened freedom of speech.

Perhaps Xi thinks Hong Kong can still play the role of a “white glove” attracting foreign capital. However, the rise of the big power is now seen as a threat to the free world and given rise to a new setting of international relations. A new cold war is inevitable, with or without change of leadership in different countries.

Under the new international setting, Beijing will not change its course easily, and the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong will enter a harsh winter.

It is not as if ordinary Hongkongers are entirely powerless in this harsh winter. Everyone can learn from former Czech president and playwright Václav Havel’s idea of “the power of the powerless”. Everyone should summon their courage and offer a helping hand to others in the same boat in everyday life. Everyone can do things in line with their conscience, refuse to go along with the authoritarian power, and put into practice the principles of democracy and freedom.

“Fighting for every inch of land” may sound a corny notion, but it can serve as a belief that keeps the powerless going, encourage us to stay calm without giving up, preserve the momentum of the pro-democracy movement, and redefine all fronts. Although the LegCo front has met its end, the powerless can redefine the role of elections. Let us focus on the meaning of elections so that we attach importance not to election results but the role of elections as a platform through which people express their discontent with the government. While the street protest front cannot be sustained, we can gather our courage, go about our lives based on our conscience, and keep the momentum of resistance to the dictatorship. Despite the uncertainty surrounding the international advocacy front, Hongkongers can still grasp every opportunity to show to the global community the ridiculous face of the dictatorship.

Over my past eight years as a LegCo member, the most important moment was of course when I decided to resign. We pro-democracy legislators have responded to the NPCSC’s new way of interpreting the Basic Law by resigning en masse, so that Beijing and the SAR government can no longer deceive the international community in the name of “one country, two systems,” and the SAR government cannot conceal its authoritarian nature under the disguise of “the rule of law”.

In the face of dictatorship, negative energy is the biggest enemy, for it undermines protesters’ strength, making them forget their original resolutions and succumb to the dictatorship. The anti-extradition movement has reminded us that there is hope because we persevere. The current harsh winter is a time for preparing for the rebirth of things. I hope Hong Kong people can keep their resolutions and wait for the dawn that will definitely come.

(Wu Chi-wai, lawmaker of the Democratic Party)

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