by Li Ping

Hongkongers, particularly those post-1990s, have little knowledge or feelings towards the brutal storms of the CCP revolution or the cold-blooded, authoritarian dictatorship towards the proletarians. However, as the CCP has placed Hong Kong once again at the bridgehead in its anti-American struggle, and making Hong Kong a new battlefield to inspire patriotism and nationalism, all Hongkongers have, within a short few days, experienced the white terror of a one-party dictatorship, the struggle session disasters during the Cultural Revolution, and the bloody massacre of June 4. From criticizing government officials, to the deliberate fabrication of a Hong Kong 228 [February 28] incident, to the strict implementation of new election arrangements, the CCP is turning Hong Kong into its new base for a revolution to push its new theories and practices.

After its establishment, the CCP had not immediately started to take back the sovereignty of Hong Kong. Instead, it retained Hong Kong as a bridge between the CCP and the international community for “long-term planning and full utilization”. Zhou Enlai made it clear that Hong Kong was “part of the strategic arrangements for the general East-West struggle”. Not taking back Hong Kong and keeping its capitalist British occupation should “not be measured (nor decided) by the narrow principle of territorial sovereignty”. In the 1980s, Deng Xiaoping came up with one country, two systems to retrieve the sovereignty of Hong Kong, also as a part of the strategy in the West-West struggle. Hong Kong is not only a window or a bridge for China’s reform and opening up, but was also an endorsement for the CCP’s change in national policy to win the trust of the West.

The CCP thought that since it has risen, got wealthy, and became stronger, Hong Kong’s economic status has reduced to irrelevance in its eyes. Yet with the resurfacing of the struggle between the East and the West, especially since China and the U.S. have been engaging in the trade war since 2018, the West’s appeasement policy toward China has run its course, and even with the Biden administration coming to power, there is no sign of reversal. As the Sino-U.S. confrontation in areas like trade, technology and finance have continued, and the Wuhan virus has raged on around the world, China’s political and economic chaos do not look like they’re subsiding anytime soon. As such, both the legitimacy of the CCP’s governance or the perpetuation of the Xi core status has been challenged. The CCP leadership is in dire need of launching a people’s war and call on the people to tide over the difficulties using the banner of patriotic nationalism.

Wolf-warrior diplomacy can feed the vanity of the Chinese people, giving them face and allowing them to look good, yet it is not sustainable in actuality; throwing cash abroad could create the illusion of a wealthy nation, yet it is not helping with public opinion; a forceful unification of Taiwan is definitely appealing, yet it is not feasible. Therefore, Hong Kong has become a new base for revolution for the CCP to wave its banner of patriotic nationalism. It is many birds with one stone: it satisfies the aspirations of the CCP dignitaries who have long been eyeing Hong Kong for its economic benefits, while testing out the revolutionary tactics against the U.S. and the international community in this new era, all to come to the conclusion of a third-generation Hong Kong theory that surpasses the long-term planning of the Mao-Zhou era, and the one country, two systems during the Deng-Jiang era.

A leopard doesn’t change its spots. The CCP’s red DNA and revolutionary DNA naturally oppose universal values, and yet the revolution must continue in order to maintain the highest level of authority and power. It sings the song of patriots ruling Hong Kong, but its state-level definition is merely a tool for one class to rule another class. To love this party and love this country, one must support one class ruling another class, which is essentially the support of the CCP’s one-party dictatorship. It claims to perfect Hong Kong’s electoral system, yet it is not by increasing the representativeness of the electors and the elected, but by chipping away the status of the District Councillors, with the strong public support, in the Legislative Council and the Election Committee. It has even suggested the selection of the Chief Executive through consultation, which is no different from having the party leadership handpick a puppet to put on the stage. It boasted that since the implementation of the National Security Law, Hong Kong has returned to governance from chaos, yet the deliberate fabrication of the Hong Kong 228 Incident, the mass arrest and prosecution of the participants of the primary election, are none other than an attempt to permanently erase the voice of dissent in Hong Kong through white terror. Yet what has the loud voice of solidarity outside the court yesterday said about all of this?

Mao Zedong invented the theory of the “continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat” and launched the Cultural Revolution, and was touted by Lin Biao as the pinnacle of contemporary Marxism-Leninism”. Now the CCP has launched a jarring, tempestuous Hong Kong revolution and wantonly wielded its iron fists of the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is almost as if the CCP has moved its long-established methods of struggle to Hong Kong, yet in reality, this is completely different from all past sorts of civil wars and power struggles. This is a struggle against universal value. This is a fight against civilized society. And this is no doubt going to be a whole new chapter in the revolutionary history of the CCP. When the flag of the CCP flutters right on top of the Government House (who knows if it would be renamed the Red House or Bauhinia House by then), the CCP can then declare that the theory of the Hong Kong Revolution under the party’s leadership is a core component of Xi Jinping’s thought, as well as the pinnacle of contemporary Marxism-Leninism.

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