Editorial: Demise of HK’s civil society | Apple Daily Taiwan

蘋果日報 2020/12/14 10:15


Next Digital founder Jimmy Lai was put in confinement by the Hong Kong government early this month even though his case has not even been heard. Yesterday morning, he was handcuffed to a chain around his waist, the treatment that should have been reserved for a hardened criminal, and was transferred to West Kowloon Magistrates’ Courts for arraignment. Lai had originally been charged with “fraud” and had been remanded in custody because of that. The day before yesterday, he was further charged with “collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security”, marking the first time such a charge had been brought against a person. Lai even faces the specter of being sent to mainland china for trial if the Office for Safeguarding National Security exercises its jurisdiction. The prosecution brought by the Hong Kong government is generally believed to be purely and simply political, as it is trying to intimidate Hong Kong’s pro-democracy force into submission.
Everybody knows that there has always been a formidable force in Hong Kong society. The force, which has witnessed the Umbrella Movement and the Anti-extradition Movement, is steadfast in the preservation of Hong Kong’s freedom and rule of law. The Umbrella Movement and the Anti-extradition Movement, which have been of epic proportions, bear testimony to the true aspirations of Hong Kong people. However, when Hong Kong people demanded democracy and autonomy under “One country, two systems”, which was the “promise of 1997”, the CCP’s power logic, which is that “the CCP leads everything”, reared its ugly head. The CCP’s logic is that the “two systems” should be under “one country”, i.e., “one-party”. It does not allow anyone to build autonomy or democracy outside the reach of the CCP, as the CCP constitution states clearly that “the party leads everything” and controls everything. This is why the CCP has been tightening its grip on every aspect of Hong Kong society over the past few years. The adoption of the National Security Law for Hong Kong by the National People’s Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) in late June marked the height of this development.

Lai’ case a warning about “CCP’s leadership in everything”

Anyone with some knowledge of the rule of law can see that the National Security Law for Hong Kong is aimed at the implementation of “the CCP’s leadership in everything”, which is a tool for the CCP to exercise dictatorship. The National Security Law is a serious infringement of Hong Kong’s human rights, civic liberties, and judicial independence. Under the law, the so-called crimes such as “secession”, “subversion”, “terror” and “collusion” are basically not clearly defined legal concepts and can be interpreted arbitrarily.
The charge that has been brought against Jimmy Lai is “collusion with a foreign country or with external elements to endanger national security”. But what is “collusion”? What kind of behavior is deemed to “endanger national security”? We are afraid that all of these questions will be decided by the party that “leads everything”. Such being the case, the rule of law has become non-existent, and freedom has become like a candle in the wind. The prosecution against Lai is not only a warning but also an example of “the party’s leadership in everything” in practice.
This, of course, is not an isolated case. Just look at what has happened recently. The trio from Demosistō including Joshua Wong, a younger generation of activists, have been sent to prison. The NPCSC’s adoption of the so-called “decision on the seats of lawmakers” and disqualification of four pro-democracy lawmakers have driven 15 pro-democracy lawmakers to resign en masse. All these incidents show the ferocity with which “the party leads everything”.
Such a trend has led to widespread concern in the international community. European nations and the US have expressed concern, calling it political suppression and are worried about the development of Hong Kong’s civic society and democracy. The preservation of the vibrancy of Hong Kong’s civic society and the existence of a democratic voice is the fundamental assumptions of the “Sino-British Joint Declaration”; they are also the cornerstone of mutual trust in international diplomacy. Now the foundations have been undermined, and Chinese politics is developing in an increasingly authoritarian and dictatorial manner internally. This should explain the strained relations between China and Western countries since the beginning of this year.

CCP’s two faces after the US election

Since the preliminary results of the US election came out, the CCP has shown two faces. On the one hand, it has struck a soft stance and talked about the need to promote a harmonious external environment and build a peaceful order together with different Western nations. That is an attempt to resolve the besiegement it has encountered over the past year. On the other hand, it has continued to keep tightening its suppressive control domestically, especially in Xinjiang and Hong Kong. It has even launched “wolf warrior-styled” attacks on “disobedient” external forces such as Australia and Taiwan. We believe that many people have noticed the deceitfulness of these two faces. Lai’s case, something of a trial run for the “National Security Law for Hong Kong”, clearly illustrates the CCP’s intention to control everything. We call on all sides in Taiwan to see this clearly.
Since the rule of Mao Zedong, the ideology or power logic of “the party’s leadership in everything” has been a fundamental tenet of the CCP. Even if things have so developed that the CCP now has a structurally strained relationship with different Western nations over interests and ideologies, it is still unequivocally and forcefully displaying the authoritarian attitude that “the party leads everything”. It is bulldozing everyone who is in its way, who is disobedient and who holds dissident views. Such being the case, a so-called “civic society” cannot possibly exist. Lai’s case shows that the demise of Hong Kong’s civic society is predictable.
Lastly, we have to point to the Formosa Incident that happened on 10 December 41 years ago. The Kuomintang, which was in power, carried out a wave of purges on people outside the party in an attempt to eliminate dissident views. But Taiwan’s fledgling civic society was not crushed. It grew even stronger. This, perhaps, can give us some food for thought.
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