The insolent approval of the national security law for Hong Kong by NPC sparked concerns locally in Hong Kong and also internationally. People are concerned that the law might threaten academic freedom in Hong Kong.

Academic freedom has long been repressed in the PRC. From 1949 to 1978, the clerisy were forced to give up their studies or even their lives because of the on-going political movements such as the Anti-Rightist Campaign and the Cultural Revolution. Even though the qualities and ranking of PRC’s universities have enhanced and increased significantly after the Chinese economic reform, it means nothing. To ensure that CCP has full control over the country and their citizens, it limits and intervenes in a myriad of academic issues, such as the choice of research topics and teaching materials, the possibility of studying certain cases and even the administration of any educational institutions. The ‘Seven No-No’, including no freedom of the press, no civil society, no mistakes brought by CCP, and no judicial independence, are the elephants in the room, yet they are just the tip of the iceberg.

CCP established Confucius Institutes in more than 150 countries since 2004. Topics that damage the ‘reputation’ of CCP are not allowed to be discussed openly. Issues such as Xinjiang re-education camps, the Tibetan independence movement, the political status of Taiwan and the current social movement in Hong Kong are typical examples. This aroused a huge amount of dissatisfaction. Many universities have terminated their cooperation with the institute once they are aware of how ‘powerful’ CCP is.

Macau's National Security Law was taken into effect in 2009. The law in Macau adopted a stricter immigration policy as compared to Hong Kong. It is not a rare case that a professor gets the bird because of political reasons. Outspoken scholars were accused of having particular political opinions. CCTVs are mounted inside classrooms of the university as said to be due to security reasons. All the above-mentioned scenarios compelled some scholars to leave the ‘safe’ academic environment of Macau.

It is foreseeable that after the National Security Law is put into effect in Hong Kong, Beijing will deal with the problem of ideology and control different voices ‘industriously’ on grounds of national security.


First, managing and controlling matters such as funding and personnel softly. CCP will continue to reward issues that conform to the mainstream and national policies. It might marginalise or cancel studies that go against social stability and national security, such as studies related to social movement, democratisation, Hong Kong- China relationship, People's Trust and satisfaction in the CCP. They will also oppress scholars with opposite standpoints by not hiring or not promoting them. CCP will also monitor the teachings and overhaul the academic culture. For instance, using student evaluations to ‘manage’ teachers who have critical attitudes towards CCP, or forcing the vice-chancellor to join the Hong Kong Coalition and openly support the National Security Law of Hong Kong.


Second, they will persecute significant parties, such as those who organise social movement or seek help from foreign countries. Non-establishment unions or groups will be further suppressed, even scholars who hold foreign passports might be monitored closely and under the pressure of a united front. Together with bureaucratisation within universities, an invisible sense of fear will be well-constructed. Ultimately, scholars will undergo self-censorship unconsciously. They will no longer criticise the government or the ‘emperor’ and they will not talk about Falun Gong.

Higher education will suffer from a long period of rectification. Scholars who pay close attention to the issue of democracy in China can no longer visit Hong Kong. Corresponding conferences and academic activities will wind down. A huge brain drain will happen and the majority of teaching and research positions will be taken by CCP scholars. For those who stay behind, they will have no choice but to fit in the new academic atmosphere. The universities in Hong Kong might be able to maintain their purported ranking and ‘competitiveness’. However, it is expected that under the stress of the National Security Law, more tuft-hunting literati and cynics playing deaf and dumb can be found in educational institutions.

Progressive Scholars Group: www.facebook.com/psg4hk

(Yeh Kuo Hao, Executive Committee Member of Progressive Scholars Group)

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