In the amendment of the constitution of the CCP in the 19th National Congress of the CCP in October 2017. The names “Mao Zedong” appeared 13 times, “Deng Xiaoping” 12 times, one time each for “Jiang Zemin” and “Hu Jintao,” and “11 times for “Xi Jinping.” If we omit the times where the names appeared in the mention of their “thoughts, theory” and only count when they were mentioned as individuals, all their names have appeared only once except Xi, whose name came up twice. It shows that Mao Zedong era 2.0, surpassing that of Deng Xiaopings, has arrived.

Three days after the closing of the congress, on Oct. 27, 2017, the new Politburo held the first meeting and approved the “Several Guidelines on Strengthening and Safeguarding the Centralized and Unified Leadership of the Party Center.” It has established the “four consciousnesses”: political consciousness, big picture consciousness, core consciousness, and consciousness of keeping in line. The Politburo also stated that the Central Secretariat, CCDI, and the Party groups of the National People’s Congress Standing Committee, State Council, Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), Supreme People’s Court, and Supreme People’s Procuratorate should report annually to the Politburo and the Politburo Standing Committee. It is a political regulation of Mao era 2.0, which did not exist during the 27 years of Mao in power and at any time from the reform and opening up to the moment Hu Jintao stepped down.

When reviewing the “trial regulations for CCP branch work” and “2018-2022 plan for national cadre education and training” in September 2018, the Politburo mentioned the “four consciousnesses” should be strengthened and people should persist on the “Four-sphere confidence”: confidence in the path, theory, system and culture, and achieve the “two upholds”: upholding General Secretary Xi Jinping’s core position in the CCP Central Committee and in the party as a whole, and upholding the Central Committee’s authority and its centralized, unified leadership. This is the “Big Ten” in Xi’s rule book.

The report from Xinhua News Agency on Feb. 28, 2021, stated that Xi has “thoroughly read through” the work reports submitted by the members of the Politburo, and the secretaries and committees of the six top party groups and departments. Xi has given five specific requests, none of which is beyond the area of the “Big Ten,” and all ended up on the “two upholds,” which are the unshakable highest guiding spirit and political goal of the Two Sessions this year.

Judging from the agenda of the Two Sessions, the core is to approve the CCP Central Committee’s “Proposals for the Formulation of the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021-2025) for National Economic and Social Development and the Long-Range Objectives Through the Year 2035,” which is different from any other five-year plan deliberation. To tie the 14th Five-Year Plan and the long-range objectives through the year 2035 together is like paving the straight path leading to Xi’s re-election at the 20th Congress.

The Two Sessions have many topics on law amendments this year, the heaviest among the heavyweight is probably the amendment of the Basic Law. Whether it is “patriots govern Hong Kong,” “led by the central government,” or the reform of the Hong Kong Chief Executive election system, all are complete sabotage of the Basic Law and Hong Kong’s political system, just like the Hong Kong national security law approved and implemented last year. They have gone back on their words from Dec. 29, 2007, when they approved that the election of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong in 2017 will be implemented by the method of universal suffrage, and they have abandoned Deng Xiaoping’s significant “one country, two systems”.

The essence of Deng’s 13 big resolutions that “would not be shaken in hundred years” was still refusing political reform but doing a crippled economic reform. When talking about the 13 main spirits, a division-level cadre made an analogy. “The party’s basic line is like wearing bikini, one center and two basic points with some transparency in the middle.” This ridiculous analogy that has been spread nationwide has exposed the mutually incompatible and fundamentally opposed essences of Deng’s two basic points – the “reform and opening up” and “four basic principles.” Before Deng beat Hua Guofeng with the crime of the “two whatevers,” Hu Qiaomu had already established the “four whatevers” (four basic principles) for him. “Resolution on certain questions in the history of our party since the founding of the PRC” continues waving the great red flag of Mao’s thought is to keep your personal highest power, because this power is the most practical.

Deng got Bo Yibo to tell Chen Yun “there can only be one old lady in the party.” The “old lady” is the “lifetime tenure.” Li Rui revealed what Deng told Jiang Zemin, “when Mao was here, what he said counted; when I was here, what I said counted. So when what you said counts, then I will be relieved.” That is a typical expression of lifetime tenure. In China’s 1982 constitution, he has formulated a tenure system for other people but planned a direct train to the lifetime tenure of the Central Military Commission Chairman for himself. The “four basic principles” led to June 4 massacre. After the massacre, he was forced to resign from the Central Military Commission Chairman position. But he was still the king if the 1982 constitution had not changed. His speech during his visit to the south has geared the reform and opening to the direction of crony capitalism, which caused the ordinary Chinese people nowadays to be stuck in poverty. As long as Mao’s portrait is still hanging on the gates of Tiananmen Square, the imperial political system inherited by the CCP will not change.

Between Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai, Jiang Zemin has chosen Xi. He thought everything would be under control, but surprisingly, once someone gets on that “direct train Chairman-ship” Deng had left behind, China’s 30 odd years of reform and opening up will come to an end and it goes full force into the era of Mao 2.0.

(Lui Yue, veteran Chinese journalist)

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