The 1989 June Fourth Incident has once and for all destroyed the more positive image that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) had built up in the late 1970s. Even though subsequently, Deng Xiaoping made a tour down south to further promote reform and opening up, and the economy grew at a rapid pace with Hong Kong also enjoying many benefits. Nevertheless, the scars from the Tiananmen Square Massacre have long been etched into people’s memories, and this part of history has never been forgotten just because of China’s economic development.

The Tiananmen Square protests took place at a time when Hong Kong was at a critical stage in the implementation and institutional arrangement of the 1997 handover. The strong reaction of the people of Hong Kong to the June Fourth Incident therefore affected the formulation of the Basic Law and the various arrangements for the post-handover transition. The institutional consequences and unresolved issues caused by this situation have continued to this day. Time is indeed one of the prescriptions to heal the grievances, but first of all, the right remedy must be prescribed. Moreover, the problem must be faced squarely and reasonably responded to, otherwise, the entangled controversy will only prolong and become difficult to alleviate the discontent and animosity. Beijing refuses to vindicate the incident, and even expects all sectors to accept its distorted and misleading interpretation, and as a result, the controversy continues to linger on. To think that the incident can be put to rest by not admitting one’s wrongdoing and by making up lies all the time, what kind of political integrity is this? To think that suppression by force can make people stop pursuing the issue, what kind of political ethics is this? To think that lies can deceive the world indefinitely, what kind of political wisdom and historical insight is this?

Looking back on the past 32 years, the CCP’s united front work in Hong Kong and the attempt to win the hearts of the public have been unable to produce the expected results. The reason for this is that people with wisdom, experience and breadth of vision from all walks of life in Hong Kong cannot deny the facts that have been witnessed through video and various literature, nor can they bury their conscience. In the end, the CCP can only bribe some profit-oriented old farts, and it can only leverage on some untalented and morally rotten local communists. There are also so-called “talented” people in society who are opportunists and willing to throw themselves at the feet of those in power. If these tactics are really effective, does Beijing still need to fear and resist the democratic aspirations of Hong Kong people? The repeated violations of the commitments under the Basic Law are a reflection of the regime’s inner cowardice and insecurity.

Today, there is a clear distinction between the understanding of the regime and the people of Hong Kong on the June 4 incident, in which the rights and wrongs are clearly defined. Denial and evasion can hardly quell the demand for reform and political development. What Hong Kong has shown is the total failure of the regime’s attempt to win over the people. In addition to the generation that once had illusions and now feeling disillusioned and deceived, the younger generation has become even more alienated. The raising of the national flag and singing of the national anthem every day have not led to any change in the way the powers would wish!

The resources that can be mobilized by this kind of substandard politics have been exhausted, but it still failed to produce results. Now, it can only continue to go downhill, nakedly destroying “one country, two systems,” depriving Hong Kong people of their basic political rights in the name of national security, and confining a large number of educated people to prison by means of distorted legal procedures, as well as attempting to take full control of the media and monitor online speech, and completely reneging on its promises. The civil service system, which has worked effectively for more than 40 years, and the District Councils, the political platform for the grassroots, have been reduced to a shambles. The Legislative Council has regressed to a level worse than the colonial legislature of half a century ago. The police force, once considered “Asia’s finest,” has fallen from grace to become a group of political hitmen and undisciplined thugs. Even the courts, regarded as the last line of defense in Hong Kong, are now called into question. Not to mention that the agents of the regime in Hong Kong are suspected of colluding with shady forces to intimidate Hong Kong people with violence!

What does it mean given it has turned out so badly? It means that even if the candlelight vigil cannot be held this year, the regime is already in a straitened position and has completely lost the imagination to solve the problem. There is reason to believe that even if there is no candlelight in Victoria Park this year, the people of Hong Kong will continue to make their case to the regime, and they will continue to use their imagination to continue this quest for truth and justice in this historical battle. The regime can continue to be despicable, but most of the people, as the protagonists of history, will continue to persist in their pursuit of nobility and excellence.

(Chung Kim-wah, Deputy Chief Executive Officer of the Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute)

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